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‘Disdains Democracy’: Chief Justice’s Role in Trump Immunity Sparks Legal Experts’ Outrage

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On the morning of April 25, the nine Justices on the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a case that ultimately decided Presidents have “absolute” immunity for crimes committed while in office if those criminal actions can be considered “official acts.” But, at first, as the attorneys presented their positions, some court watchers felt certain Donald Trump’s position – claiming absolute immunity – would be tossed out. Only after Justices were heard responding to Trump’s lawyer’s argument did legal experts believe the Court would side with the ex-president who had been criminally indicted in four separate cases.

But even some of the less optimistic critics believed the Court would find some middle ground. It did not, as Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote in her dissent: “relying on little more than its own misguided wisdom … the Court gives former President Trump all the immunity he asked for and more.”

CNN in an exclusive report now reveals there was no real attempt by Chief Justice John Roberts to broker some form of agreement, consensus, or compromise among the justices, certainly no outreach to the three liberal jurists, and that from the start there was an immediate split along 6-3 partisan lines. The conservative justices – and especially the Chief Justice – wanted to grant presidents “absolute” immunity.

READ MORE: ‘Advice and Consent’: McConnell Claims Biden Trying to ‘Eliminate’ SCOTUS ‘As We Know It’

“Roberts made no serious effort to entice the three liberal justices for even a modicum of the cross-ideological agreement that distinguished such presidential-powers cases in the past. He believed he could persuade people to look beyond Trump,” CNN’s Chief Supreme Court Analyst Joan Biskupic reported Tuesday.

Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Lawrence Hurley, NBC News’ senior Supreme Court reporter, citing the claim Roberts “believed he could persuade people to look beyond Trump,” says: “Based on the reaction to the ruling, he failed.”

Slate’s Mark Joseph Stern, who writes about the courts and the law and is the author of a book on the Roberts Supreme Court, responded to Biskupic’s reporting: “Roberts took an extreme view of the presidential immunity case from the start and never bothered to negotiate with the liberals to find a single point of compromise. He was all in for Trump start to finish.”

The CNN report reveals a Chief Justice far different from what court watchers for years have claimed exists, that behind closed doors Roberts is working to smooth out ideological disagreements and find common ground to land the Court somewhere in the center of Americans’ beliefs. That he disdains rulings solely along partisan lines. That he has a strong desire to preserve and protect the institution he heads.

“It was understandable for outsiders, and even some justices inside, to believe that middle ground might be found on some issues in the immunity dispute and that Roberts would work against any resounding victory for Trump,” CNN’s Biskupic wrote.

READ MORE: ‘BFD’: Biden Plan to Reform ‘Rogue’ Supreme Court Hailed as ‘Remarkable’ by Experts

“Don’t ever suggest that Roberts ‘tries to be in the ideological middle’ at SCOTUS,” warned MSNBC anchor, and legal contributor and corespondent Katie Phang, responding to the CNN report.

“The chief justice’s institutionalist tendency had been cemented over the past two decades,” Biskupic added. “He often talked it up, famously admonishing Trump in 2018 that jurists shed their political affiliation once they take the robe, ‘We do not have Obama judges or Trump judges, Bush judges or Clinton judges. What we have it an extraordinary group of dedicated judges doing their level best to do equal right to those appearing before them.’ “

“The chief justice, now 69 and about to begin his 20th term, appears to have abandoned his usual institutional concerns.”

Alex Aronson, former Chief Counsel to the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, now Executive Director of the non-profit organization Court Accountability, appears to agree:

“It’s time for the press and lawyer class to *seriously* reconsider their views about John Roberts as an institutionalist. The man disdains democracy and equality. He has covered up his colleagues’ corruption and turned our Supreme Court into an arm of the Republican Party.”

READ MORE: ‘Close’: Trump Claims World War III Could Erupt if He Does Not Become President Again

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Conservative Columnist Torches Trump ‘Cultists’ Over Their ‘Two-Step Around Reality’

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The Dispatch‘s national correspondent, Kevin D. Williamson, wants to ask Republicans a question.

He points to the $270 it takes to fill up the tank of a Ford Super Duty truck in his neighborhood — 48 gallons at $5.60 a gallon for diesel — and asks, “Do you feel smart?”

Citing a column by The New York Times’ Bret Stephens, Williamson weighs the pros and cons of voters electing candidates to achieve results over voters choosing “paragons of moral rectitude.”

“There is something to be said for that approach,” writes Williamson. “One of the problems with our politics is that politicians—especially presidents—are treated as embodiments of the nation, the people, and our values, to such an extent that members of a party feel alienated and humiliated when the other party’s leader occupies the White House.”

He concludes that for partisans, “inconvenient facts necessitate a kind of rhetorical two-step.”

“There are proud Trump cultists and there are embarrassed Trump cultists, and, if you press one of the latter on Trump’s viciousness—his dishonesty, his infidelity, his venality, his susceptibility to flattery, his inconstancy—he often will retreat into comfortable pragmatism,” Williamson writes.

They will say they like Trump’s “policies,” which, Williamson charges, “mainly indicates the economic conditions coincident with Trump’s first term in office, pre-COVID, which were only to a very minor degree the result of any Trump policy.”

But press the embarrassed Trump cultist further — like on the $270 tank fill-up — and they will “retreat into moralism, albeit a negative kind of moralism based in the perceived deficiencies of the Democrats rather than in any of Trump’s particular moral virtues, which, it is plain, simply do not exist.”

When Republicans insist Americans “think of the policies,” Williamson says he wonders “what those beneficial policies are.”

“The illegally initiated and incompetently executed war in Iran that is the proximate cause of that $270 diesel bill? The obviously criminal massacres of civilians on the high seas? The gross self-dealing and corruption? The elevation of wildly unqualified yes-men such as Bill Pulte to high office? The deepening debt? The rising inflation?”

Williamson says that they like the policies, “Except for the inflation, and the trade chaos, and the war, and the corruption, and the enshrinement of utter incompetence.”

He says that you “can two-step around reality any way you like, but the fact is that right now Republicans are offering both Ken Paxton and $5.60 diesel. And so I repeat the question to my Republican friends: ‘Do you feel smart?'”

 

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Letter From Deep Red Florida Torches ‘Low Self-Esteem’ MAGA Voters

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Port Charlotte, Florida, is part of Charlotte County — which voted for President Donald Trump by a solid two-to-one margin in 2024. It was named one of the top ten places to retire in 2012.

Still seen as a deeply red state, Democrats are making inroads into the Sunshine State. Ahead of the August primary, in the race for governor, Republican Byron Donalds often polls ahead of Democrat David Jolly but only by single digits, according to data from The New York Times. Donald Trump won the state by 13 points in 2024.

A letter to the editor highly critical of President Donald Trump and his MAGA base in a Port Charlotte news outlet could be seen as surprising.

“MAGA crowd, Trump are all about winning,” reads the headline.

“Donald Trump and the MAGA movement have turned American politics into a fan-based team sport,” writes its author, Gayle Yarnall.

“Governing has become an us versus them rivalry regardless of the consequences. It is all about winning,” she laments.

“The 2024 election is long over. Yet, there are Trump signs, banners, and flags still posted around. It is akin to displaying the flag of your favorite teams like the Patriots or the Buckeyes. What is the purpose except to express that, ‘I’m on a winning team’?” Yarnall asks.

“No one will be persuaded to vote for Trump. The election is done and he won. Is there any memory of Reagan, Biden, Bush, Obama, or Clinton flags or signs posted months or years after the election? Of course not.”

Yarnall calls the still-flying banners and flags “visual reminders” for “those with low self-esteem, feeling left out and unheard.”

“They scream, ‘look at me, we won, I’m on a winning team,'” she says.

“Even when gas prices spike, the cost of tariffs are passed on, a war continues, inflation is rising in all sectors it matters not because my team won.”

In a last-ditch plea, Yarnall asks her neighbors, “Please remember to vote!”

 

Image via Shutterstock

 

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Conservative Insider Throws Cold Water on GOP’s Midterm Confidence

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Right-wing journalist Ben Domenech isn’t aligned with GOP wisdom that the Republican Party should do well in the November midterm elections. In a lengthy written conversation with The New York Times, Domenech says he is “skeptical.”

“Republicans still seem to think that, thanks to redistricting and their advantages in fund-raising, they could buck historical trends and hold on, perhaps even in the House,” Domenech told the Times’ John Guida. “They’re just scared about gas prices. Personally, I’m skeptical.”

Looking specifically at Maine, which Republicans see as the “linchpin” to holding the Senate majority, according to Guida, Domenech also sends a warning. The race will be between U.S. Senator Susan Collins (R-ME) and Democratic insurgent newcomer Graham Platner, who has already faced numerous scandals.

“The interesting thing about this whole focus on Maine is that if you talk to Senate Republican staff and consultants, they’re actually less worried about it than other states,” says Domenech. “This is partially because of Platner’s shall we say unique collection of scandals and challenges, but it’s also because of enormous faith in Collins as a survivor.”

Collins, 73, is running for her sixth term after being first elected in 1996.

Guida points to a Politico report on a memo that states: “the political fundamentals in Maine remain challenging, and it is a fatal mistake to assume Platner is too damaged to win.”

“I think that’s correct,” says Domenech, “and top Republicans should actually be more concerned.”

“Platner clearly has energy behind him. He speaks to a desire on the left for a strong message, and he’s shown no signs of bowing to pressure to get out for a more centrist-coded candidate,” he adds. “Collins is absolutely capable of winning, but national assumptions are taking over based on her last election, in 2020, when she came back from what seemed like a deep hole by keeping her campaign hyperlocal.”

Domenech says that Republicans do have some concerns, specifically about three states Donald Trump won by double digits in 2024: Alaska, Iowa and Ohio.

In Ohio, former U.S. Senator Sherrod Brown is seeking to return to the Senate, and is running against “an appointee who has never won a Senate election, Jon Husted.”

In Alaska, Democrat Mary Peltola is running against Dan Sullivan, the Republican incumbent who “has the advantage there, but again, we’re talking about a unique state, and Peltola is an Alaska Native,” says Domenech. That race is now considered a “toss up” by The Center for Politics’ “Crystal Ball,” which also now rates the Ohio race as a “toss up.”

Iowa could become a difficult race for Republicans as well. Domenech warns it “could turn out to be a real test for Trump’s tariff policies, which have been a decidedly mixed bag in many of the states that backed him. The president will probably have to take that argument to the people of Iowa himself.”

Overall, says Domenech, Republicans’ confidence “comes from a belief that Democratic radicalism, particularly the various examples of what they view as a renewed cultural leftism in opposition to Trump during his first term, will play in their favor.”

 

Image via Shutterstock

 

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