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On LGBT Job Discrimination, The Courts Are Finally Correcting Congress

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Courts May Finally Prohibit Employment Discrimination On The Basis Of Sexual Orientation And Gender Identity

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The difficulty in passing a national bill protecting LGBT workers from employment discrimination highlights the dysfunction of American government. Despite the fact that a large majority of Americans supports such legislation, Republicans have steadfastly blocked proposed nondiscrimination laws through a variety of tactical maneuvers or poison pill amendments. However, the courts may finally do what Congress has been unwilling to do.

Currently, LGBT people are partially protected from employment discrimination by a patchwork of state and local laws, executive orders, and court rulings.

Although there is no federal law explicitly addressing employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, executive orders–the first of which was issued in 1995 by President Bill Clinton–prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity in federal employment and–thanks to President Obama–by government contractors.

While most “blue states” have passed nondiscrimination laws that cover sexual orientation and gender identity, most “red states” provide no state-wide protection for LGBT employees, though cities in many of them provide limited protection.

Courts have generally ruled on equal protection grounds that public employees are protected from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity, but have been reluctant to extend such protection to employees in the private sector absent state statutes or municipal ordinances.

While most large businesses have voluntarily adopted nondiscrimination policies that cover sexual orientation and gender identity, most small businesses in red states have not.

However, recent interpretations of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the federal agency charged with enforcing federal laws that make it illegal to discriminate against employees and job applicants, provide hope that LGBT individuals will soon enjoy protection against discrimination even in red states and even by private employers.

The EEOC has determined that Title VII prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. The determination is binding on all federal agencies and departments and governs EEOC enforcement and litigation activities throughout the country. Although courts are not bound by the EEOC’s interpretations, they often give deference to them.

The EEOC has recently announced that sexual orientation and gender identity is now a strategic enforcement priority for the agency. They are expected to mount an aggressive program of litigation on behalf of LGBT people who have experienced employment discrimination.

Gender Identity As a Protected Classification

Recent court rulings, at both the district and appellate levels, have affirmed that transgender people are protected from discrimination in employment.

For example, on December 6, 2011, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals in Glenn v. Brumby upheld a lower court ruling that the Georgia General Assembly discriminated against Vandy Beth Glenn, a transgender woman who was fired from her job as Legislative Editor after she told her supervisor that she planned to transition from male to female.

In a forceful opinion authored by Judge Rosemary Barkett for a unanimous three-judge panel, which included one of the most conservative judges on the federal bench, Judge William Pryor, the Court declared, “An individual cannot be punished because of his or her perceived gender-nonconformity. Because these protections are afforded to everyone, they cannot be denied to a transgender individual. . . . A person is defined as transgender precisely because of the perception that his or her behavior transgresses gender stereotypes.”

The decision stated unequivocally: “We conclude that a government agent violates the Equal Protection Clause’s prohibition on sex-based discrimination when he or she fires a transgender or transsexual employee because of his or her gender non-conformity.”

The victory was the first ruling on transgender rights from the Eleventh Circuit, considered one of the most conservative circuits. The ruling brought the Eleventh Circuit in line with other circuits in applying to transgender individuals the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins (1989) that said that gender non-conformity is included in the Civil Rights Act’s prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sex.

The plaintiff in the case, Vandy Beth Glenn, worked for two years in the Georgia General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Counsel as an editor and proofreader. In 2007, Glenn informed her immediate supervisor, Beth Yinger, that she planned to transition from male to female, and showed Yinger photographs of herself in professional female attire. Yinger passed the information on to her boss, the General Assembly’s Legislative Counsel, Sewell Brumby, who promptly fired her.

A 2012 ruling by the EEOC itself also held that gender identity discrimination is prohibited by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The decision was issued in Macy v. Holder, a case in which Mia Macy, a transgender woman who was denied employment with the Department of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) after she revealed her intention to transition from male to female, claimed that she suffered discrimination because of her gender identity.

Issued without dissent by the five-member, bipartisan Commission, the decision states unambiguously “that claims of discrimination based on transgender status, also referred to as claims of discrimination based on gender identity, are cognizable under Title VII’s sex discrimination prohibition.”

“When an employer discriminates against someone because the person is transgender, the employer has engaged in disparate treatment related to the sex of the victim. This is true regardless of whether an employer discriminates against an employee because the individual has expressed his or her gender in a non-stereotypical fashion, because the employer is uncomfortable with the fact that the person has transitioned or is in the process of transitioning from one gender to another, or because the employer simply does not like that the person is identifying as a transgender person.”

Masen Davis, then head of the Transgender Law Center (TLC), which brought the case on behalf of Mia Macy, described the decision as a “big leap forward,” because now “transgender people who feel they have faced employment discrimination can go into any of [the Commission’s] 53 offices and the EEOC will consider their claims. What’s more, the EEOC could take action itself to sue the employer for discrimination.”

He added, “Given that transgender people do not have employment protections in the vast majority of states, this creates a whole new fabric of legal support for our community.”

The TLC first pursued Macy’s complaint through the Office of Equal Opportunity of the ATF, which is responsible for considering complaints of discrimination by the agency. When the ATF’s equal opportunity officer denied that Title VII applied to transgender employees, the TLC filed suit, asking the EEOC to clarify the law.

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Sexual Orientation as a Protected Classification

Although it is now clear that Title VII’s prohibition of sex discrimination covers discrimination on the basis of gender stereotypes and gender identity, it is not yet firmly established that it also covers discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

At least two federal lawsuits are currently underway that may clarify the question.

One is Baldwin v. Foxx, a suit in which David Baldwin, a former Federal Aviation Administration employee, alleges that he was denied a promotion and suffered harassment based on his sexual orientation.  Baldwin first filed a complaint with the EEOC in 2012; finally, in July 2015, the EEOC ruled that sexual orientation is indeed covered by Title VII and permitted the lawsuit to go forward. It is currently pending in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida.

The uncertainty about whether sexual orientation is a protected classification was also recently confronted in an extraordinary ruling in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit issued on July 28, 2016 in a case known as Hively v. Ivy Tech. Judge Ilana Rovner, writing for a three-judge panel, called attention to the dilemma the court faced in considering the case of a lesbian, Kimberly Hively, who alleged that she had been discriminated against by Ivy Tech Community College in South Bend, Indiana.

Hively, who worked as a part-time adjunct professor for many years, claimed that she had repeatedly been passed over for full-time employment and promotions because of her sexual orientation. Her claim was dismissed by the district court in response to a motion by Ivy Tech, which claimed that Title VII does not ban discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, a holding that the Seventh Circuit had made in other cases decided several years ago.

Feeling bound by Seventh Circuit precedent, the appellate panel affirmed the district court’s ruling, but Judge Rovner spent the great bulk of her opinion describing the changing legal landscape for LGBT people. She noted that the EEOC recently declared that “sexual orientation is inherently a ‘sex-based consideration,’ and an allegation of discrimination is necessarily an allegation of sex discrimination under Title VII.”

She also observed that district and appellate courts have handled the question of whether Title VII prohibits sexual orientation discrimination very differently. Some have disallowed any claims where sexual orientation and gender non-conformity are intertwined, while others have tried to tease apart the sexual orientation and gender non-conformity claims and look only at those that appear to address gender-nonconformity, which the Supreme Court has held is protected under Title VII.

“Whether the line is nonexistent or merely exceedingly difficult to find, it is certainly true that the attempt to draw and observe a line between the two types of discrimination results in a jumble of inconsistent precedents,” she wrote.Â

Noting that since the EEOC ruling that sexual orientation discrimination is sex discrimination, many district courts, which she described as the “laboratories on which the Supreme Court relies to work through cutting-edge legal problems,” are beginning “to ask whether the sexual orientation-denying emperor of Title VII has no clothes.”

Judge Rovner also pointed out that the U.S. Supreme Court rulings in Windsor, which struck down the Defense of Marriage Act in 2013, and in Obergefell, which in 2015 mandated that same-sex couples had a constitutional right to marry, created “a paradoxical legal landscape in which a person can be married on Saturday and then fired on Monday for just that act. For although federal law now guarantees anyone the right to marry another person of the same gender, Title VII, to the extent it does not reach sexual orientation discrimination, also allows employers to fire that employee for doing so.”

She observed that “Discrimination against gay, lesbian, and bisexual employees comes about because their behavior is seen as failing to comply with the quintessential gender stereotype about what men and women ought to do—for example, that men should have romantic and sexual relationships only with women, and women should have romantic and sexual relationships only with men.” Thus, she implied, following the reasoning of Price Waterhouse, sexual orientation discrimination as well as gender identity discrimination should be prohibited.

She characterized the Seventh Circuit precedents that bound her as leading to “the absurd conclusion . . . that the law protects effeminate men from employment discrimination, but only if they are (or are believed to be) heterosexuals.”

She added: “our [circuit’s] understanding of Title VII leaves us with a somewhat odd body of case law that protects a lesbian who faces discrimination because she fails to meet some superficial gender norms—wearing pants instead of dresses, having short hair, not wearing make up—but not a lesbian who meets cosmetic gender norms, but violates the most essential of gender stereotypes by marrying another woman.”

The law, she concluded, “protects ‘flamboyant’ gay men and ‘butch’ lesbians but not the lesbian or gay employee who act or appear straight.”

The unusual decision, which pointed out the absurdity of the current position in the Seventh Circuit, seemed to be begging for the plaintiff to ask for an en banc hearing to reconsider the case. Outdated precedents within a circuit can be overturned only by a Supreme Court ruling or by an en banc review by all the active judges within the circuit.

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In response, Lambda Legal, representing Kimberly Hively, quickly filed a request for an en banc review, which was promptly granted on October 6, 2016. Oral arguments in the case have been scheduled for November 30.Â

Inasmuch as en banc reviews are rarely granted, and seldom expedited as this case apparently has been, it seems likely that the Seventh Circuit will reverse the finding in favor of Ivy Tech and adopt the position of the EEOC that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is forbidden by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act.Â

If the Seventh Circuit does reverse, their decision will probably be appealed to the Supreme Court, which may accept it for review in order to render a final decision as to whether Title VII prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

Ian Milhiser, who has described Hively v. Ivy Tech as “the most important gay rights case since marriage equality was won,” has pointed out that if Hillary Clinton is elected president and appoints a liberal justice to replace the late Justice Antonin Scalia on the Supreme Court, SCOTUS will soon be the most liberal court in history. “That opens up the very real possibility that workplace discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation will be illegal throughout the entire nation.”

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Marjorie Taylor Greene Says She’s ‘Done Supporting’ The GOP: ‘Party Betrays Its Voters’

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Former Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene said on Monday that she is “done supporting” her former party—but don’t expect her to join the Democratic party anytime soon.

Greene announced her disillusionment with the GOP on Monday afternoon in a tweet.

“Tucker is not the only one who is done supporting the Republican Party. There is A LOT of us that are absolutely fed up and will not support a party that betrays its voters and country. That does not mean we are turning into Democrats either. But we are DONE with the America LAST Republican Party,” Greene wrote.

She referred to comments made last week by pundit Tucker Carlson. Carlson appeared on the Can’t Be Censored podcast Thursday, saying he would refrain from supporting either major party, and admitted “I’m not sure what I’m going to do.”

READ MORE: ‘Gaslight America’: Marjorie Taylor Greene Blasts Trump Ahead of His Trip to Georgia

“How could I or any American voter support a political party that’s not loyal to the United States. That puts the interests of a foreign country above those of its own citizens. It’s not possible to vote for people like that, and I’m not going to,” Carlson said, according to Mediaite, referring to America’s long-time ally Israel.

Greene famously broke with President Donald Trump earlier this year when she called for the release of the FBI files relating to disgraced financier and sex criminal Jeffrey Epstein. A former staunch ally of Trump, the two started trading barbs. Greene resigned from the House this January. Greene has long called for an isolationist foreign policy, criticizing America’s involvement in Ukraine as well as the current conflict with Iran.

Given that Greene said she has no plans on moving leftward in her politics, it’s unclear if she will refrain from voting or if she’ll throw her lot in with a third party. While American politics are primarily driven by the two major parties, a number of smaller parties also exist.

Greene may find a home in the Libertarian party, the third-largest party by voter registration. The Libertarian party has drifted rightward since its founding in 1971. While initially economically conservative but politically liberal, after 2022, the paleolibertarian Mises Caucus gained control of the party. Paleolibertarianism was developed by anarcho-capitalists, and embraces cultural conservatism. Some of the most widely known paleolibertarians include former Representative Ron Paul and the current president of Argentina, Javier Milei.

Third parties struggle to gain traction in the United States. The closest a third party has come to widespread support was the Reform Party, founded by H. Ross Perot during the 1996 presidential election after he won 18.9% of the popular vote in the 1992 presidential election as an independent candidate. Reform won 8.4% of the popular vote in the 1996 election, but no third-party or independent candidate has been as successful as Perot since.

However, the electoral college makes it difficult for a third-party presidential candidate to be elected at all. Third-party presidential candidates are often seen as spoilers for the major candidates. Perot is often believed to have won votes away from President George H.W. Bush in 1992, giving the election to President Bill Clinton. In 2000, Green Party candidate Ralph Nader was similarly accused of acting as a spoiler for Vice President Al Gore, leading to the election of President George W. Bush.

Third parties, however, have a better track record in down-ballot races. For example, Kshama Sawant won election to the Seattle City Council in 2014 as a member of the Socialist Alternative party. She held office until 2024, when she declined to seek reelection. She is currently running for a seat in the House of Representatives as an independent.

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Donald Trump Says Iran ‘Will Agree to Major Weapons Inspections’ to Ensure ‘Nuclear Honesty’

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President Donald Trump announced on Monday that Iran “will agree” to allow weapon inspectors into the country in a slightly confusing social media post.

“Everybody is fully aware that Iran will agree to have Major Weapons Inspections in order to ensure ‘Nuclear Honesty’ long into the future,” the president wrote on his social media platform Truth Social.

Vice President JD Vance has been handling the negotiations with Iran to end the military conflict started by the United States and Israel at the end of February. Vance said earlier today that inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency would be allowed to enter Iran. The inspectors could be in the country as soon as Monday, according to the Washington Post.

READ MORE: Large Majority of Americans Say Iran Conflict Should End, Hasn’t Met Any of Trump’s Goals

Trump’s wording, however, is somewhat hard to parse. When he says “everyone is fully aware,” is Trump referring to Vance’s Monday announcement that had been widely reported? Or is Trump attempting to cast doubt, suggesting Iran may somehow be pulling a fast one, allowing inspections to provide cover for a weapons program?

Either way, the allowing of weapons inspectors into Iran is similar to what former President Barack Obama’s administration negotiated for in 2015. The Obama-era deal called for IAEA inspectors to make sure Iran was complying with the deal, and was not developing nuclear weapons. But in 2018, after Trump ended the agreement, Iran started to block IAEA inspectors from parts of their nuclear program. Since then, IAEA inspectors do not know the status of Iran’s enriched uranium, according to the Washington Post.

One year ago from Monday, the U.S. struck Iranian sites believed to hold stockpiles of enriched uranium. Since then, Trump has claimed that the strike “completely and totally obliterated” the country’s nuclear enrichment facilities, however, this has never been verified. Even at the time, the Pentagon said that Iran’s nuclear program had only been “degraded…by two years.” Trump’s national intelligence director testified prior to the strike that there was no evidence that Iran’s existing nuclear program was meant to build weapons, according to the Military Times.

Iran has long promised not to build or obtain nuclear weapons. In 1970, Iran signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty which deemed the country a non-nuclear state.

While Trump has warned that Iran could have a nuclear bomb “within six months,” the first report from the International Atomic Energy Agency since the Iran conflict started says that there has been no major change to the country’s nuclear program, according to Reuters.

Image via Reuters

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Federal Judge Quashes ‘Retaliatory’ Subpoenas Against Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz

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Six grand jury subpoenas were quashed by a federal judge Wednesday, when it was decided that the subpoenas were filed to retaliate against Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz’s administration and the city governments of Minneapolis and St. Paul.

Chief Judge Patrick J. Schiltz of the District of Minnesota made his ruling public on Monday, granting the motion requested by the Minnesota officials to quash grand jury subpoenas related to Minnesota declaring itself to be a “sanctuary” state.

Last December, the Department of Homeland Security deployed over 3,000 agents to Minnesota as part of the largest immigration-related operation in the department’s history, Operation Metro Surge. After the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti by DHS agents, the state of Minnesota as well as the twin cities challenged Operation Metro Surge in court, prompting President Donald Trump to rail against the local officials on social media.

READ MORE: Trump Dangles Another Insurrection Act Threat for Minnesota

Days after Minnesota, Minneapolis and St. Paul filed suit, news reports revealed that the Department of Justice had begun to investigate Walz and Minnesota Mayor Jacob Frey. Trump administration officials said that by not supporting the actions of DHS, Walz and Frey were breaking the law.

The Minnesotan officials argued that the subpoenas were “issued as part of an unconstitutional effort to coerce” them into working with DHS and ICE.

Judge Schiltz found that though grand juries traditionally “have broad investigatory powers,” the subpoenas had exceeded those powers. Schiltz agreed that the subpoenas were in violation of the Tenth Amendment, allowing states some degree of autonomy from the federal government.

Schiltz wrote that he had “no doubt” the subpoenas were issued for the “forbidden purposes” of attempting to “harass” or “coerce” Walz and Frey “into taking official action…. a blatantly unlawful and unethical use the grand-jury process.”

“On the one hand, the evidence that the challenged subpoenas were issued for unlawful reasons is overwhelming. On the other hand, the Department has struggled-without success-to identify a single plausible investigatory justification for the subpoenas,” Schiltz wrote, pointing out that the “public record… is replete with direct evidence of the Trump administration—including the highest-ranking officials of the Department—threatening and attempting to punish states and localities that have adopted ‘sanctuary’ policies.”

“To be clear, the Court agrees with the Department that a grand-jury subpoena need not be supported by probable cause. At the same time, a grand-jury subpoena cannot be issued for an improper purpose. The fact that connections between the information sought in the subpoenas and any possible criminal violation range from extremely weak to nonexistent only adds to the overwhelming evidence that these subpoenas were not issued to investigate, but to harass, coerce, and retaliate,” Schiltz added.

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